SKU: 37340917544
post emergent broadleaf herbicide for lawns

post emergent broadleaf herbicide for lawns Triad Select Herbicide

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Description

post emergent broadleaf herbicide for lawns Triad Select HerbicideTriad Select 3 Way Herbicide utilizes a combination of three selective herbicides to control a wide variety of hard to kill broadleaf weeds. This is an excellent all around 3 way herbicide that is a bump up from store bought herbicides. Active ingredients are 2,4 D (30. 89%), MCPA ( 8. 23%), Dicamba (2. 77%) Great for treating dandelion, clover, chickweed, wild onion, and broadleaf plantain Safe for use on Kentucky Bluegrass, Turf Type Tall Fescue

Triad Select™ 3-Way Herbicide utilizes a combination of three selective herbicides to control a wide variety of hard-to-kill broadleaf weeds. This is an excellent all-around 3-way herbicide that is a “bump up” from store-bought herbicides.

  • Active ingredients are 2,4-D (30.89%), MCPA ( 8.23%), Dicamba (2.77%)
  • Great for treating dandelion, clover, chickweed, wild onion, and broadleaf plantain
  • Safe for use on Kentucky Bluegrass, Turf Type Tall Fescue (all fescues), Ryegrass, Bermuda, and Zoysia.
  • DO NOT USE on Centipede, St. Augustine, or Bahia grasses. 
  • Available in multiple sizes*

Product Description:
Triad Select is a selective, post-emergent herbicide that contains the same active ingredients (Dicamba, 2,4D, and MCPA) as many store-bought products. However, you will find that Triad Select contains much higher herbicide formulations. In fact, this product is very similar to the ones the pros use on their routes every day.

Here are some of the common weeds that Triad controls:
Dandelion, Lespedeza, Poison Oak, Wild Carrot, Black Medic, Dockweed, Mallow, Purslane Wild Garlic, Buckhorn, Ground Ivy, Morningglory, Ragweed, Wild Lettuce, Burdock, Peppergrass, Sheep Sorrel, Wild Onion, Chicory, Henbit, Pigweed, Shepherd’s Purse, Yarrow, Chickweed, Knotweed, Plantain, Speedwell, Clover, Lambsquarters, Poison Ivy, Spurge

Note:This is not the best weed killer for ground ivy or creeping charlie. It will stunt it, so if you have it, use it, but triclopyr is better.

It is not required, but if you want to, you can also add in a non-ionic surfactant to increase the “stickiness” of the Triad weed control.

*Size options and coverage:

  • 1 Single Quart (32 oz) = covers up to 21,000 sq ft
  • 1 Single Gallon (128 oz) = covers up to 84,000 sq ft

Application Information:

This is a professional formulation, so it should be applied with a battery or pump sprayer. It should not be applied with a hose-end sprayer.

Recommended: Do not apply if temperatures are over 90F. If temps are that high, apply in the evening when they dip below 90F and elect to spot spray instead of blanket spraying.

Triad Select can be used on the following grass types:

  • Cool-Season Lawns - Kentucky Bluegrass, Turf Type Tall Fescue (all fescues), Ryegrass.
  • Warm-Season Lawns -Bermuda, Zoysia

NOTE: DO NOT USE on Centipede, St Augustine, or Bahia lawns. 

Coverage/Gallon Pint: 21,000 sq ft at the rate of 1.5 oz per 1,000 sq ftGallon: 84,000 sq ft at the rate of 1.5 oz per 1,000 sq ft
Application Details Mix 1.5 oz per gallon of water in a backpack/pump sprayer and spray that evenly across 1,000 sq ft of lawn.
Water-In Instructions Do not water this product in. Let it sit after application.
  • Label: Triad Select Info
  • Package Includes:(1) quart or (1) gallon based on selection
  • Storage: Store in a cool dry place away from direct sunlight. The product will store for 2 years under warehouse conditions.

Shipping Information:

Shipping costs
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NO P.O. Boxes
State Restrictions
 Alaska (AK), Hawaii (HI)
Stickers
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Typical Delivery Time
 4 - 7 business days
Product Type Liquid concentrate
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Some products may not be registered for sale or use in all states or counties and/or may have state-specific use requirements. This information is for reference only. It is the responsibility of the user to verify the product is registered and appropriate for use in a given state.


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SKU: 37340917544

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A
Verified Purchase
Amazon Customer
Whiting, US
★★★★★ 5
Excellent
It's an excellent textbook from the Barron's series of which I have this author's other books. I love the set up. I'm constantly trying to improve my Spanish in different categories....these books are amazing.
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Reviewed in the United States on May 3, 2024
K
Verified Purchase
Kyle Henderson
New York, US
★★★★★ 5
A must-read for anyone interested in communication studies, rhetoric, American public debates
Format: Paperback
In this seminal book, Fisher expounds his "narrative paradigm," a sweeping theory of human communication and more. Professor Emeritus at USC's Annenberg School of Communication, Fisher's discipline was rhetoric. But the book's subtitle -- "Toward a Philosophy of Reason, Value, and Action" -- isn't a stretch. Fisher's theory is a grand project extending its purview way beyond the communication department's door. At root is Fisher's rejection of what he calls the "rational world paradigm," which falsely separates logos from mythos, reason from imagination, fact from value. Doesn't work that way, Fisher says. No such thing as a value-free belief, assertion, or action. Instead, we evaluate according to a "logic of good reasons" -- reasons we value as good -- rooted in the narratives of our experience. An under-appreciated aspect of Fisher's work is the application of his theory to American politics. America's most enduring narrative is The American Dream. But that dream comprises two sub-narrative strands: the "materialistic myth" and the "moralistic myth." These two strands broadly represent conservative and progressive impulses respectively, but those threadbare categories don't do Fisher's explication justice. The two myths find their roots in the narratives of the earliest Americans, and have been battling it out ever since. It's a credible understanding of the history of American public moral debates.
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Reviewed in the United States on April 28, 2010
M
Verified Purchase
Michael Kleeberg
Dallas, US
★★★★★ 4
Insider's Book
Format: Paperback
Wlater R. Fisher is an expert in his field. His grasp of classical theory is daunting. Human Communication as Narrative explains his new theory well. However, it IS an insider's book, intended for scholars. I have a master's degree in rhetoric and composition, and my progress through it was slow--however, this was more attributable to my having stopped at an MA than it was to Fisher. I found his theory exhaustively researched, skillfully and thoughfully developed, and eminently applicable to the practice of contemporary rhetorical study. I would regard this book as a must-have for any serious student of rhetoric.
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Reviewed in the United States on April 22, 2011
P
Verified Purchase
PWL
Fort Morgan, US
★★★★★ 5
Not only will this give you a great overview/introduction, but Fisher is a good writer as ...
Format: Paperback
I'm a fan of the Narrative Paradigm, and this is the seminal work on that. Not only will this give you a great overview/introduction, but Fisher is a good writer as well. Very clear, succinct, and engaging.
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Reviewed in the United States on December 1, 2016
H
Verified Purchase
Hugh of Skokie
Dallas, US
★★★★★ 5
The Dark Roots of Liberalism
Format: Hardcover
Italian philosopher/intellectual history Domenico Losurdo's study of the origins of liberalism is a tour de force of thorough scholarship and rigorous critique. Losurdo seems to have read all of the collected works of all of the significant thinkers in the liberal tradition, from Locke to de Tocqueville and beyond, and has created a coherent and compelling narrative of their themes and variations, as well as their rhetorical tropes and myriad contradictions. Classical liberalism, as here presented, is an attempt to translate the world, in all its richness and mystery, into property, and to transform property into the fullest expression of both nature and nature's God. It involves fetishizing "liberty" and disdaining equality, which is seen -- correctly -- as potentially compromising the God-given prerogatives of property holders. Losurdo's liberals divide the world into the "community of the free" -- always a minority -- and the servile majority. These masses do not deserve liberty or political participation because they perceive government as a way to address human suffering, and not simply as a bulwark protecting the divine rights of capital, i.e. the "private" realm. The classical liberal sees government as good to the extent that it has no social function at all -- because poverty and radical inequity are understood not as the outcome of human social and political arrangements, but as a reflection of immutable natural law and simple human frailty. Social Darwinist and eugenic motifs float through the Liberal symphony almost from the beginning, supplanting without really changing the earlier Protestant notion of predestination, but shifting the location of eternal reward or damnation to the marketplace and workplace. Thus liberalism sides against social emancipation, whether of slaves or peasants or factory laborers. The job of workers within a liberal commonwealth, as depicted by most of these thinkers, is to embrace their freedom to starve and cherish the institutions that oppress them in the sweet and holy name of Liberty. Slavery makes many of these thinkers uneasy, but it is not as profoundly disturbing to them as the prospect of central government tampering with the sacred rights of property holders by abolishing an institution that makes a mockery of any concept of human liberty. It is the radical thinkers of the French Revolution, and those influenced by them, who come out favorably here -- the ones who believe that the community must be seen as one body, and that freedom and dignity belong to all, without exception. Losurdo reminds us that it was not classical liberals who abolished slavery -- it was the Black Jacobins who brought the Rights of Man to the subjugated Africans of Haiti in history's only successful slave rebellion (at least since Moses). They were supported by the religiously inspired abolitionists, who saw slavery in moral rather than capitalist terms. Losurdo shows that liberalism took on the despotism of Church and Crown, only to create a harsher and colder absolutism of Money and Market, wrapped up in the rhetoric of Reason and tied with the ribbon of Freedom. And though classical liberalism has mutated over time and allowed the community of the free to expand somewhat, its fundamental biases remain in place, as witnessed in every ding-dong attack against "big government" or the "nanny state." Losurdo's "counter-history" of liberalism places these tediously reflexive political gambits in historical context, showing that they are rooted in a vision of the state as a kind of gated community, serving those within the threshold of privilege, suppressing those on the outside. At a time when political discourse centers on the percentages of the included and excluded, the worthy and the unworthy -- Occupy Wall Street's 1 percent and 99 percent, Mitt Romney's 47 percent (which was also his percentage of the vote) -- Losurdo's study is highly relevant and enlightening. It underscores the deep tensions between classical liberalism -- with its governance by and for the elite, and passive citizenship for the rest -- and the ideals of participatory and inclusive democracy, i.e., social democracy. It is an important book, and I recommend it to everyone with an interest in the history of political theory, and a desire to understand why our own political processes seem to take place in an abstract realm so cosmically distant from the reality of everyday life.
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Reviewed in the United States on November 24, 2012

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